Adv. Oded Vosok (Kami)

עו”ד עודד ווסוק (קאמי)

Compendium

אסופת מאמרים

Copyright © 2022 by Oded Vosouk and Gabriel Hayon.

All Right Reserved.

No part of this publication may be reproduced, distributed, or transmitted in any form or by any means, including photocopying, recording, or other electronic or mechanical methods, or by any information storage and retrieval system without the prior written permission of the publisher, except in the case of very brief quotations embodied in critical reviews and certain other noncommercial uses permitted by copyright law.

 

Author:                Oded Vosok

Editor:                 Gabriel Hayon

Table of Contents

1. Investigating the Punishment of Acid Predators
2. What is the punishment for kissing in public In Iran?
3. The Islamic Revolution and the legal issues of the Jews’ escape from Iran
4. The global environment is in violation of the rules
5. BOT Agreements
6. המהפכה האיסלאמית והנפקות המשפטית של הימלטות היהודים את איראן
7. About The Author
8. About The Editor
9. Other Books By Gabriel Hayon

 

 

Investigating the Punishment of Acid Predators

מאמר מאת עו”ד עודד ווסוק אודות הפרקטיקה של התזת חומצה על פניהן של נשים באירן.

Photo by Hasan Almasi on Unsplash

One of the measures used by the Iranian regime to suppress the frequent protests against it is the use of violent means. In this context, the use of acid against women who do not wear modest clothing has become a popular mean. In recent years, there have been a number of cases of spraying of acids on the face of women in Iran by the regime’s forces, under the cover that this was done by citizens suffering from mental problems. In this context, the various enactments in Iran have been referred to in this regard. I saw fit to review this issue.

This crime, which usually occurs on the face of the victim, is generally motivated by the destruction of the future and the constant victimization of the victim. Unfortunately, in practice, this happens, and the victim of crime, for a long time, and perhaps even for the rest of his life, suffered physical harm and The psychological mass of this crime will not be rid of.

As noted, the reference to this issue in Iranian literature and even legislation is small, but recently was a reference of Ezatollah Yousefian Mulla, a member of the Parliamentary Legal and Judicial Commission.

How is the acidity of the legally defined and what is its punishment?

Every crime has a motive and the perpetrators commit crimes with various motives. In each case, it should be checked that the perpetrator’s intention is to commit a crime. Perpetrators may be motivated by family disputes, retaliation, or mental illness. It is also possible that the perpetrator’s motive is to disrupt the public order and create fear and terror, in which case it can be said that it has a political motive. Therefore, when a crime, including acidity, is realized, it must examine the motive and, based on It punished.

The punishment for caustic acid is a crime, but it is as much as the damage it has caused. Meanwhile, the punishment increases as the injury sustains. For example, if a person has a disability, a retaliation can be given and the exact same member will be eliminated to the same extent. Also, if they lead to injuries that do not cause defects, they should pay a diyah. If the injury is horrific, then the death penalty can be taken into consideration.

Do not have a specific law to deal with acid sprays?

There is now a law that can respond to this crime. Of course, it is possible to define this crime, in isolation from the rules and regulations of the penal code, and in fact to make it clearer. To do this, the responsible authorities should, by drafting the bill, independently exacerbate the punishment for the acidity of the mass.

Again, I emphasize that we are already in the law and there is no specific problem with the acidity problem, and that the same injury, injury, and physical injury suffice, but there may be clearer rules, although we do not have the law.

Should not the punishment of molten acid be equal to moharebeh?

If you intend to scare people with cold weapons or firearms without causing any injuries, such as scaring people with a knife or weapon, or even with acid glass, then this crime may be punishable by moharebeh or execution.

How do you assess the consequences of this crime for someone who is being acidified and his family and, ultimately, for society?

However, when a crime is committed, the injured family suffers from mental discomfort and also has to bear a lot of costs due to the loss of a member or the beauty of one of the family members. These works are visible for a long time. On the other hand, the family of the perpetrator is also a victim of disrespect and decreases his social credibility, because society often looks at the family badly. In this way, there is the possibility of avoiding the community for such families.

What is the general and social aspect of acidification?

Each crime has two aspects: first, the personal aspect is that the amount of injury and damage injured on one’s body can injure a dying person or a retribution; secondly, the general aspect of crime is the legislator’s concern. If the mass of acidity occurs in public, causing people’s fear and concern and disturbing the general public order, it will be punishable from two years’ imprisonment to execution. Indeed, in this case, the judge can choose one of these steps, in addition to the Diyah, with his own discretion and according to the legal and legal principles.

Given the high cost of treatment for a person subject to acid attack, is there a protective law in this regard?

No, someone who is injured is like someone who has been stroke or become ill, and anyway, when he is injured, he needs treatment and healing treatment using his health insurance. Of course, in the case of recent acid sprays, some charity organizations have helped to cure them, but there is no special law to protect such patients.

Do we need cultural actions to deal with acid? How can you build it in this case?

Certainly, such measures are necessary and efficient. Of course, before doing this, it is necessary to prevent the free supply of acid. These materials should be provided where they are used and should not be easily prepared. It is also necessary to warn all acid-consuming factories that they will be punished if this material causes injury to an individual. Acid-based production units should be monitored to allow the material to be removed from the public.

 

 

 

What is the punishment for kissing in public In Iran?

מהו העונש על נשיקות בפומבי באירן? מאמר מאת עו”ד עודד ווסוק, מומחה לשפה ולתרבות הפרסית

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Photo by Alejandra Quiroz on Unsplash

 

According to Article 637 of the Islamic Penal Code, if men and women who have not been married, become illegitimate, or do not commit adultery, will  be punished.

In this article, we will talk about kissing, unlawful practices, and the abomination of chastity and the punishment of such crimes. If you want to become more familiar with the legislator’s perspective, please read the following article.

Such an abusive practice is one of the most unpleasant behavior, according to which up to 99 lashes will be considered for whip offenders.

Applicable Explanations on Article 637 of the Islamic Penal Code

Perhaps, after reading Article 637 of the Islamic Penal Code, you will ask what actions are described as acts of disobedience to non-adultery. It must be said that the non-adultery acts is any sexual relationship that ultimately does not lead to the six situation. In fact, non-adultery practices should be material and physical. winking, writing a romantic  letter, having a smile, etc. are among the actions that are not included in this article. But if there is a relationship such as telephone conversation or walking in privacy, it will be covered by this article.

It should be noted that this article applies to all women and men. The legislator makes no distinction between old, young, or even dead and alive.

If you are unfamiliar with the concepts of incompatible words, we must say that abstraction means kissing and abstinence means converting.

Is there any possibility of complaining about an illegitimate relationship?

The Criminal Procedure Code of the country, which is responsible for declaring criminal proceedings, regards the crime as an illegitimate offense as not requiring a private plaintiff. There is no need for a private plaintiff or prosecutor to investigate this crime. Police can deal with these crimes at any time at their discretion.

In Iran, you may have seen or heard from your relatives or friends that the girl and son arrested by the police will be sent to the prosecutor after going to the police station at a later stage. In this case, the police will close the case after the mother and daughter of the girl are informed of their friendship or the girl’s relationship with the boy.

But if the girl’s family complains about the boy, the case will enter a new stage according to which the girl will be sent to the forensic examination, and if, after examination, there is a particular problem, the case will enter into further stages.

 

 

 

 

The Islamic Revolution and the legal issues of the Jews’ escape from Iran

מאמר מאת עו”ד עודד ווסוק אודות ההשלכות המשפטיות של רכוש יהודי אירן בעקבות המהפכה האיסלמית

introduction:

I was born in Iran – a country that floats in a sea of ​​art, culture and civilization. Iranian culture is original and unique and deeply rooted in history. The power of history, culture, and civilization is particularly evident in the museums and in the everyday lives of the people. The historical works that remain from the different historical periods reflect the power and progress of Iran’s culture and civilization. It is possible to say that Iranian culture is highly developed, and in light of the presence of various tribes in the country, such as the Kurds, the Luris, the Arabs, the Baluchis, the Turkmen, and the Armenians, a beautiful spectrum of culture, art and customs has been created there.  A magnificent arch that rests on the greatness of King Cyrus and the 2,500-year-old reign of the Iranian kings, who later fell into the hands of the extremist religious and became the stronghold of the ayatollahs.

I am a member of a Jewish family of parents who have pursued education and art; My father is a famous artist who paints in realist style, taught at the University of Tehran and his works decorated the palace “Saad Abuad” in Tehran, the center of the life of the Shah.

After the revolution, in light of his Zionist views and a number of bold images he had painted, he had to sit in an Iranian prison for more than a year. When he was released from the Iranian prison, my father decided to leave Iran and immigrate to Israel (of course, in light of his views, the only target for him was Israel) without his property (in order not to raise suspicion that he would not return to the country).

My mother, my younger brother and I flew to Turkey and from there to Israel, but my father had to flee through the fields to Pakistan and from there to Switzerland and eventually to Eretz Israel.

Two weeks after I immigrated to Israel, I started high school and finished my studies at a young age, earlier than expected, enlisted in the Intelligence Corps (8,200), studied law, worked in several leading law firms and later served in a highly classified security project.

From my first steps in the profession (even when I was an intern at Weisglass-Almagor) and to this day, In light of my familiarity with and interest in Iranian language and culture, many Iranian Jews from all over the world (especially from the United States) were interested in various legal matters related to their personal and public life, but one thing interested them all – the restitution of assets left in Iran at the outbreak of the revolution.

This issue arose simultaneously in the handling of the German pension portfolio (Israel Perry) in the law firm Amit, Pollak Matalon & Co. Although the return of assets to Iranians is (much the same and different) similar but not the same as the issue of the return of Holocaust survivors’ assets (which occurred incidentally while dealing with this case) .

In view of the above, I saw the need to investigate and address the issue and to implement and examine it of the great property left in the Arab countries and Europe by the Jews against the assets of the Iranians who fled Iran after the Islamic Revolution.

The religious and legal basis for taking over the assets of the Iranians

About two weeks after the victory of the Islamic Revolution on February 1979, the Iranian Supreme Leader, Ruhollah Khomeini, issued an order to confiscate all property belonging to the monarchy, an order in which the Supreme Leader meant only to the confiscation of property belonging to the royalists (And not to property belonging to Iranian citizens).

The following is the text of the order by Khomeini:

“On the basis of this letter, the Supreme Council must confiscate all property and the assets belonging to the Pahlavi dynasty and its relatives, who during the period of its illegal rule were expropriated from the Muslim treasury, and to deposit them in the bank account in the name of the Revolutionary Council or in My name, and assets such as land and real estate – register them, so that they can be used for the benefit of the oppressed and the weak of all strata for the purpose of creating a residence, a place of work, etc.

I hereby instruct the “komite” of the revolution, that all the spoils that have been obtained must be deposited in a bank account and notified to the government that the total of this booty does not belong to it. In addition, the government representatives must bring what they obtain to this bank, as well as the people to transfer what they have obtained from the above-mentioned property, immediately to its death, and the criminals will be brought to justice. ” Ruhollah Mousavi Khomeini

Following the issuance of the aforementioned ordinance by Khomeini, the property of the royal family and their relatives were confiscated, their owners who could not leave Iran were hanged, and all their property was transferred to the “oppressed” – a broad definition that entailed those close to the success of the Islamic Republic, Including their children, grandchildren, great-grandchildren and great-grandchildren, (including) as well as the members of the Military Police, the Basij, and the Kaminites).

As stated, despite Khomeini’s clear statement of the takeover of the royal family’s assets, the IRGC and Basij forces chose to precede decades of what was learned in the Israeli Aphropim ruling and to provide the broadest (and not the most literal) interpretation of the term “royal family” to The people who fled Iran after the revolution.

According to this broad definition, they found the legal way to take control of all the property belonging to the escapees (who were barely included in the definition of the royal family and were included as the king family) including land, shops, factories, etc., while emphasizing particularly the property of the Jews who left Iran overnight through the border city of Zahedan, to the intermediate station – Turkey or Pakistan – and from there to the final destination, the Land of Israel (and who at times apparently lost their way to the United States).

The religious basis for the order issued by the Supreme Leader was the “pheghh” Islamic law, whereby radical changes were made in the Iranian penal code by adding new clauses such as the “war on God” clause – which defines all the people who caused economic damage to the Iranian people as “corrupt on earth. It required to destroy the property of anyone included in this definition, and to transfer it to the oppressed (a vague term which, as stated, includes those close to the  regime).

The constitutional basis for the order of the Supreme Leader was Article 49 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic, according to which the government is empowered to locate the assets whose owners are unknown and identified and transfer them to the government.

According to this section, the government is obliged to remove the wealth accumulated by the oppressors as a result of theft, embezzlement, gambling, abuse of the endowments, misuse of government transactions, sale of land and property of the Fund, construction of places of corruption and other illegal acts and transfer it to its rightful owners.

In light of the above, Article 49 of the constitution was the constitutional anchor for the issuance of thousands of orders by the Revolutionary Court headed by Sadeq Khalafali, who was responsible for the execution of tens of thousands of Iranians who could not escape Iran.

In practice, according to the Khalhali order, the seizure of the property of the fugitives was carried out by the executive branch of the regime, which initially consisted of several people with the most extreme ideology and eventually was one of the founders of the organization, the Revolutionary Guards and the Basij, In order to dispossess the wealthy and educated Iranians of their property.

The current trends in the Iranian regime in connection with the abandoned property

As noted, in the early years of the Islamic revolution, Khomeini’s frowning face was emphasized, as was the rigid policy of the Islamic Revolution, which was characterized by the export of the revolution to the world, the conquest of the world through Islamic ideology, and the isolation of Iran from all the countries in the world. But in contrast to the early years, in recent, apparently due to the survival difficulties of the ayatollahs regime, Iran’s rigid and separatist behavior in the first years after the revolution was replaced overnight by the conciliatory policy of Rouhani’s new administration, And Foreign Minister zarif.

As a result of the recent riots in Iran, the Iranian regime is doing everything in its power to emphasize its conciliatory face, which one of the by-products of this policy has recently been the statements of Asgar-Oladi, a member of the Iranian Chamber of Commerce, Industry and Minerals, regarding Property confiscated during the first decade after the Islamic Revolution.

After 40 years of merciless expropriation and the execution of innocent people, Asgar Oladi now notes that in the event that some of the expropriations and / or takeovers of property by Khalhali were contrary to religion, if someone complains to the state, this will be checked accordingly.

He further adds: “The cases on the confiscation of property and the takeover have been closed, but if there is anyone who will demand that the matter be re-examined, and that this issue reaches the court, it will be possible to return the above assets to their owners. There were also cases when people came to Iran and managed to get back their property and now there are no more takeover operations. ”

The main questions on the subject

After a comprehensive examination of this issue, I chose to present the main questions raised by the Iranians who approached me and I will try to answer them in the most precise manner (and this, of course, in the absence of diplomatic relations between Iran and Israel).

1. Is it possible to obtain the same land that was confiscated in Iran after the Islamic Revolution?

The answer is no. In the best case, it will be possible to receive monetary compensation or equivalent land up to 60% of the value of the land that was expropriated.

2. Is compensation in kind granted in the same city where the land was expropriated?

The answer is no. Most of the land is awarded as compensation in the cities of Karaj, Harir, and Wuramin, but not in the city of Tehran, due to population density.

3. Is filing a claim the most correct way to get back the land that was expropriated?

The answer is no. According to the new policy, anyone whose property has been confiscated and who has evidence on this matter must apply to the Iranian Housing Ministry and be able to fill out a form under section 12 of the City Building Law, declaring that his land was unlawfully confiscated even though he is alive. An affidavit may be prepared to present the evidence to the contrary and to receive appropriate compensation up to an amount equal to 70 percent of the present value of the confiscated land. Of course things can be presented through a power of attorney without the physical presence of the property owner. In this context, it should be noted that Iran’s judicial discretion prevails over all the evidence presented in the case, and the judge can decide on the matter completely ignoring the rules of the law in the Iranian court.

4. What about the agricultural lands – will it be possible to return these lands that were expropriated during the revolution?

If the land was originally designated as agricultural, but now that the climate conditions are different and that they are no longer agricultural and are in the possession of the state, they can be received back for 30 percent of the land value for their maintenance fees.

 

5. What are the documents that should be presented to get back the confiscated property?

The most important things are the passport and the national card. Those who have a Shah passport (before the revolution) can receive a national card and act according to the above documents, and refrain from using power of attorney for certain parties who present themselves as intermediaries who can assist in this matter.

6. Is there an extreme discrimination against the members of the Iranian minority in the context of the return of the assets?

At the beginning of the revolution the discrimination against members of the Iranian minority was very prominent, but in recent years efforts have been made by the regime to emphasize the trend of affirmative action and to come to the minorities in Iran.

 

Final words

In the absence of diplomatic relations with Iran, the best way to deal with the property issue of the fleeing people was described in the previous chapters. At the same time, I believe that the establishment of diplomatic relations with Iran is not a vision of the end of days. We should not forget that the Arab Spring was started in Iran by the green movement, and that there are currently riots that surround all sectors in Iran (workers, teachers, doctors, lecturers, etc.).

 

 

 

The global environment is in violation of the rules

מאמר מרתק של עו”ד עודד ווסוק אודות הבעייתיות שבהסתמכות על החוק הפלילי בטיפול בעבירות על חוקי איכות הסביבה.

כמו תמיד התעשיה והחדשנות מקדימים את החקיקה ולכן כדאי למחוקקים ליטול תפקיד פרואקטיבי יותר כבר היום.

Photo by Chris LeBoutillier on Unsplash

 

 

 

Man, when he lived in the midst of nature, kept the value of nature and if he saw it angry, he still did not allow himself to neglect the environment and to didn’t allow himself to live kindly in the heart of nature.

With the transition of people to cities and their development, their attitude toward the environment has changed and has become minor less. In recent years, the task is to find the necessary balance between industrialization and environmental protection.

The most important shortcoming in the environmental laws in the world is that (mostly) the law doesn’t provide for individuals and foundations of the people who have the right to sue legal persons and bring them to justice.

In other words, the head of a factory that does not comply with environmental laws and causes environmental problems for citizens, In the event of complaints from public organizations, must be called  to  court and held accountable. The existence of such a law seems to play an important and fundamental role.

Another issue of the law that appears to be ineffective from the law is that fines and damages from public institutions and bodies that violate environmental laws are from the budget and government resources while fines caused by the negligence of a government director should be paid by the same person.

For example, if the petrochemicals in the operation caused environmental damage due to mismanagement and negligence, the fine should be paid by experts and project managers and not from government sources.

If the director is fined or imprisoned, then we will never see the irresponsibility and neglect of some of the relevant environmental managers. Therefore, individuals should be accountable for deliberate damage to the environment.

Another point that seems to be one of the key points in the field of the environment is the discussion of standards. In this regard, the environmental organization has so far not formulated and approved any specific environmental standards, such as water and its pollutants.

So far, too much money has been spent in the world on the issue of environmental standards, but unfortunately, there is never any research on the correct output of this field. This is where  environmental standards must be lawful and enforceable.

However, the environmental situation in our country is alarming and there is no hope for improvement. Of course, it may have prevented the speed of this destruction by effective measures.

But there is so much destruction that if we allocated 100% of the energy and budget of the country to the restoration of the environment, it would take us thirty years to go back to the starting point, some The destruction is not recoverable by any means and many of the damage to the environment and natural resources of the country is irreversible.

Therefore, the establishment of proper rules and programs in this area can reduce the rate of destruction and prevent them from occurring further, but we can by no means be able to  return to the initial conditions. In addition, most of the destruction and damage that comes to our country’s environmental resources is due to human actions and neglect. For example, when the country’s forests are destroyed, it’s just because of the illegal activities of humans and the cutting of trees.

Responsibility of companies

In the United States, companies that are punishable as legal entities, are based on the grounds that penalties for high-ranking corporate employees are more effective than corporate penalties.

In Belgium, a judicial procedure has been accepted that the head of an institution must be held responsible for acts committed by officers under his or her authority, whether by order or with his explicit or implicit consent.

In the United States and the United Kingdom, the criminal liability of corporations and legal entities is an established tradition, while in in others the old roman rules are preserved.

As the European committee wrote in its report on the environmental issue, “the lack of responsibility of legal entities creates important problems.” The most dangerous types of pollution are caused by industrial complexes. The prosecution and condemnation of an institution’s chief executive officer or director will not have any deterrent effect on that institution.

In addition, no one can be punished if the company is not punishable. The Minamata case for the environment introduced in Japan is a clear example of such a situation.

In countries of the second group, apparently, the situation is gradually changing. For example, in France, the new Criminal Law in its article 2-210 has accepted corporate criminal responsibility. Also in Belgium, according to the European Committee on Criminal Matters, criminal liability has been incorporated into some environmental laws, and according to some other laws in that country, a company is civilly responsible for fines paid to its employees.

In Germany, companies may be sentenced to pay administrative fines.

In Yugoslavia, a legal person is only punished for wrongdoing, not because of a criminal offense. According to Pyongyang’s report in Poland, the theory is in favor of accepting corporate criminal responsibility.

Although the issue of the responsibility raises the philosophical aspects of the criminal liability, the essential issue is whether the punishment of the company’s employees to pay fines has a deterrent effect.

As we know, it is often said that senior executives do not regard a cash penalty as anything other than “renting environmental pollution “, because a cheaper payment is made compared to the cost of controlling the discharge of factory waste.

Separovic has reported an example of this current on Yugoslavia. Nevertheless, according to Maid’s report in the United States, the situation is about to change.

For example, Elite Comics has been fined $ 2.13 million in fines, and General Electric has been fined $ 7 million.

In countries where the amount of fines is not as large as the United States, such penalties may be problematic. This is probably why the European Committee of the Commission has recommended criminal procedures for imposing various types of financial penalties, such as daily fines, suspended fines and conditional fines.

Marcus believes that because punishment is the last resort, legal entities should not be included. Obviously, in many cases, corporate controls are more effective than non-punitive measures, especially administrative measures.

But it should be noted that the punishment of a company as a legal person may play a useful role, which is to prevent the punishment of high ranking corporate executives, and in particular the head of the company, who are usually struck by the results of the misconduct.

However, as recommended by the European Committee on Criminal Matters, the principles of criminal liability, especially with regard to the possibility of applying these principles to some private and public companies, must be reviewed.

 

Negative responsibility

When a crime involving environmental pollution is committed by a company, it is usually difficult to identify who was responsible for the criminal offense. Usually the closest person is responsible for the main cause of pollution as the direct agent (material agent). Usually in a large institution, a special officer is assigned to the pollution prevention officer. At the same time, given the nature of the crime, it is often demanded that the supreme authority, especially the head of the company, at least be identified with the criminal.

The traditional theory of participation in crime does not properly resolve this problem. In countries where corporations are not subject to a penalty, the belief that the boss or other top officials of the company is responsible for their acts of subjugation is through criminal law, or through court rulings.

For example, Delmas Marty reports that in France, the head of the company was responsible for violating the rural law by giving his authorization to the employee under his own control.

Konstanth says: In Belgium, a judicial decision has been made that the head of an institution should be held responsible for acts committed by officers under his or her authority, whether by order or with his explicit or implicit consent.

In the Federal Republic of Germany, in the law of the prohibition of fair competition, there is a provision whereby the head of a company is punishable if he is aware of an act committed by one of his employees contrary to the law.

In the United States, companies are punishable as legal persons, and the reasons are that penalties for high-ranking corporate employees are more effective than corporate penalties.

This argument is more convincing in the case of pollution crimes because the psychological response to pollution is more severe and people want to punish those accused of such crimes.

Mida reports that there is a comparison between the duty of army officers to discover facts and control on one side and the duties of high ranking corporate managers on the other. (See Yamashita, United States, 1946).

The head of a company is not omnipotent, just like Yamashita. In order to defend the head of the company FROM being charged, it must at least be accepted that what appears to be apparent in his authority and authority is beyond his control, and to prove his failure to perform his duties in terms of overseeing the affairs of the company It must be based on decisive reasons.

Penalties for environmental pollution offenses

Since offenses environmental pollution involve a variety of violations of the administrative rules to the detriment of the lives and health of individuals, penalties should be different according to  the importance of different offenses.

A) Cash penalty

There is no doubt that criminal penalties are the most commonly used punishments for environmental pollution offenses. Criminal penalties are appropriate in that the practice of pollution is usually due to economic activity; however, in most socialist countries, criminal penalties are not foreseen for environmental crime delinquencies.

B. Imprisonment

Although the laws of most countries provide for prison sentences for major environmental pollution offenses, it is unclear to what extent these regulations are actually enforced. It is likely that the type of punishment in the laws is incorporated into the rules for psychologicalreasons, in order to illustrate the importance of the pollution offenses, as reported in the European Committee’s Subcommittee on Criminal Matters.

(C) Administrative or civil penalties

On the other hand, in the case of minor offenses, condemning the offender to criminal penalties due to the fact that he is defamed is considered too heavy.

In addition, formalities for sentencing to complex criminal offenses are intrusive. As a result, some countries resort to non-criminal fines such as administrative and civil fines that can be obtained at a faster rate and simpler procedures.

Now, if the methods used in this area are widely used in different countries, it will be seen that in Bulgaria, for example, there is a general rule of administrative offenses period  in Bulgaria, according to who is the offender, in addition to being blamed for the public, and deprived of some of his rights, an administrative agency can condemn him to fines, and even punish the perpetrator that is foreseen in the Penal Code, rather than condemning the offender to minor offenses. He was sentenced to a fine.

Ahler reports that, according to the German Democratic Republic’s Criminal Code, non-criminal fines such as litigation and disciplinary penalties for crimes and offenses whose consequences do not significantly affect the rights and interests of individuals or the community in general are Applicable.

In the Democratic Republic of Germany, there is a kind of administrative fine for some of the offenses. The difference between these types of offenses and criminal offenses is a rather small difference, not qualitative. In some cases, the offender may be condemned arbitrarily to administrative penalties or to criminal penalties.

There is a civilian penalty in the United States. The government can lodge a lawsuit to condemn the offense to such a fine. To demonstrate the simplicity of the procedure, it is sufficient to say that the attendance is not mandatory in the court and the prosecutor is not obliged to summon witnesses. Using cybercrime instead of criminal penalties for environmental pollution offenses is recommended by American researchers, like Cowell.

Mida says that the current pattern of criminal penalties was established by the 1970 Infringement Act, which would result in criminal penalties being imposed on anyone who doesn’t immediately report the discharge of oil or other harmful substances to relevant organizations; But all other anticipated punishments will be in this section of the Civil Penal Code.

Since there is no fundamental difference between criminal penalties and non-criminal fines, they must be guaranteed at least in defining crimes and interfering with the psychological element in them and in the proceedings in order to protect the accused. It would seem that, if these conditions are met, the application of non-criminal fines for small-scale violations of environmental pollution will be more effective and more effective than criminal penalties.

We will now examine the first aspect briefly. In some countries, the loss could be alleged to prosecute a criminal offender and to receive damages from him for a single court procedure (civil litigation). In this case, criminal prosecution plays the role of facilitating compensation.

In the countries mentioned, the question arises as to whether the environmental pollution offenses that plagued a large number of people could lead to civil and collective litigation for those who suffered losses.

Delmas Marty has recommended adopting such a method for France. Even in countries that have not opted for this, criminal prosecution may continue to play a role in facilitating redress, as the loss may be alleged in a legal dispute as a result of investigations conducted by the police in the context of prosecution.

Police investigations will help him to a large extent if the contaminating agent is an industry and harmed an industrial company and is not adequately informed about technical issues related to how the products are manufactured and discharged. Therefore, it has sometimes been argued that contamination of the environment must be recognized as an offense so as to facilitate compensation, as described, but this argument is not a legal argument. In addition, if environmental pollution is found to be criminal, the contamination agent will enjoy the rules that are anticipated to support the accused to the crime and it will be more difficult to prove his negligence in complying with the provisions for evacuation.

However, regardless of the veracity of these arguments, it seems that the second aspect of the relationship between compensation and punishment, as already mentioned, should be emphasized.

If we accept that penal punishment is the last resort, then we should opt for a civil sanction in order to reduce the damage suffered by the perpetrator, and, in the final stage, resort to criminal punishment. Recently, in some countries, a system of payment of damages to crime victims from public funds has been established.

This system also plays a role in reducing the footprint of the victims of the punishment of offenders but it is difficult to extend this system to environmental pollution crimes because most of the environmental pollution is done by the manufacturing institutions and it is not easy to compensate The taxpayer that paid for the damages they caused.

In this context, it is interesting to note that Japan has introduced an administrative compensation system from the funds provided by potential contamination environmentalists.

Conclusion

When faced with a dangerous phenomenon, we usually resort to criminal law to counteract it, and we often assume that the problem will be solved by new criminal laws.

Criminal law created over the past two or three decades in order to protect the environment is a clear example of this kind of thinking, but since then we have had the opportunity to recognize the most appropriate and effective way of protecting the environment.

Of course, criminal law plays a role in environmental protection, but since the basic problem is the legal regulation of the activities of relatively large manufacturing enterprises, the most effective means to achieve this are to determine the precise criteria for the dissemination of infectious substances, as well as the criteria for the specification and application of these criteria through administrative regulations. Criminal penalties play a limited role in this field, and they play the same limited role together with the enforcement of administrative regulations.

כל הזכויות שמורות לעודד ווסוק, עו”ד

 

BOT Agreements

על ההנדסה המשפטית מאחורי חוזי BOT

השבוע ישבתי עם ידידי, עו”ד עודד ווסוק כדי להבין גם את ההנדסה המשפטית של חוזים מעין אלו.

ראשית, הסבר קצר אודות השיטה. BOT, ראשי התיבות של Build, Operate, Transfer, היא הדרך המועדפת על ממשלות רבות לביצוע פרויקטי תשתית בסביבה דלילה במימון.

בשיטה זו, הממשלה (ברמה הפדרלית, מדינתית, איזורית או עירונית), מפרסמת מכרז לבקמת תשתיות, בו היא מזמינה חברות תשתיות, הנדסה וגופי מימון. במסגרת ההסכם, הזוכה יממן את ההקמה ויזכה לתפעל את הפרויקט לאורך תקופת זמן קצובה. בסיומה – הזכיין ישיב את הפרויקט לממשלה במצב תפעולי טוב.

 

הרווח של היזם בפרויקט זה הוא מההכנסות השוטפות של המיזם לאורך 20-30 שנה, בקיזוז עלויות ההקמה והתפעול השוטף.

מכיוון שבתקופה ארוכה כל כך יש המון משתנים שאינם ידועים לנו, יש חשיבות עליונה להגנות המשפטיות על הצדדים.

 

עודד סיפר שבתקופתו במשרדי עמית, פולק מטלון, הוא טיפל בין היתר בתיק של “דרך ארץ” זכיינית כביש 6. על בסיס תיק מורכב זה, פיתח עו”ד ווסוק את התובנות המובאות בהמשך:

 

BOT CONTRACTS

While I was working as an attorney at Amit, Pollak, Matalon law firm, I dealt with a class action suit filed against the State in respect of the VAT collected in addition to the toll amount on the use of Highway 6. In this context, we dealt with the issue of employing “Derech Eretz” By the State in a BOT transaction. After studying the subject in depth, I saw fit to bring a few words to the subject.

Definition of BOT contracts

BOT consists of combining the first letters of the three words Build, that is to say, Operate, meaning exploitation and transfer, meaning assignment. In fact, BOT has three contracts in one contract. This feature has made BOT contracts more complex, which adds to the importance of recognizing them from a legal point of view.

On the other hand, this type of contract is also part of public-private partnership contracts. The term BOT was first introduced in the 1980s. At that time, the Turkish government offered a multiplicity award. In this way, a specific company assumes the process of constructing and operating the project for a specified period, and then, after that period, proceeds with the necessary transfer of the project to the employer.

The purpose of the BOT contracts

The BOT contract is based on the assumption that the public sector is unable or unwilling to provide the necessary funding to implement an economic plan or infrastructure project. Consequently, it benefits from the conclusion of such contracts. The BOT contract allows governments to leverage the overall resources and capabilities of the domestic and foreign private sector to carry out infrastructure projects.

In many countries, laws such as the “Encouragement and Protection of Foreign Investment” Act, have covered the BOT contracts and provided the legal basis for the use of these contracts.

The Ministry of Energy, the Ministry of Roads and Urban Development and the Ministry of Petroleum are among the ministries that have seriously put into operation the BOT contracts and have contracted accordingly.

Features of the BOT Contract

Although BOT contracts have significant differences, the essential features of a BOT contract can be summarized as follows:

The privilege of building an economic project will be awarded to the consortium by the government.

The privilege of using economic projects made by the government is assigned to the consortium for a specified period.

The consortium is responsible for project financing.

The consortium is responsible for the design, supply of goods, machinery and materials for the construction and commissioning of the project.

The responsibility for exploiting the project is within the mandated period by the consortium.

The consortium, through the sale of goods and services resulting from the operation of the project, recovers the capital, its interest and profits.

After the expiration of the time limit for exploitation, the project will be transferred to the government free of charge.

The consortium is obliged to use the project during its operation and until delivery. The consortium must, if necessary, make the necessary repairs or modifications at its own expense, as long as the project is technically sound and operational at the time of delivery.

 

 

Requirements for BOT contracts

Three factors can be considered as a prerequisite for BOT contracts. In the first place, the defined project must have economic justification, as its practical and perceived need is felt in the country.

The second factor is the willingness and determination of the government and the public sector to sign the contract and issue the necessary permits, as well as to ensure the security of investments in this project.

The third and last factor for concluding construction, operation and transfer contracts is the presence of investors and sponsors to take various project risks up to the operational stage.

The first two factors, which are generally related to the two main parties to the contract, usually exist, but the lack of sponsors, as the third pillar of the BOT contracts, in many cases, precludes the project from being implemented.

Often, international banks and investment companies are responsible for sponsoring and investing in BOT contracts. Persuading these institutes is often a difficult task. This problem is mainly due to the general risks of the project, although there are incentives.

Another deterrent to investors is the degree of profitability of the project. In fact, foreign investors often pay attention to the project and process, and profitability. Therefore, the importance of the first factor, which is the economic justification of the project, becomes double.

עו”ד עודד ווסוק הוא יליד איראן, בוגר תואר ראשון ושני במשפטים בהצטיינות עם התמחות במערכת האיראנית המודרנית. הוא כתב ספר ומאמרים שונים בהקשר לסוגיה האיראנית ועוסק בין היתר בסוגית השבת הנכסים של האיראנים לאחר המהפכה.

 

 

 

המהפכה האיסלאמית והנפקות המשפטית של הימלטות היהודים את איראן

 

 

אקדמת מילין:

נולדתי באיראן – מדינה השוקעת בים של אמנות, תרבות וציוויליזציה. התרבות האיראנית מקורית ומיוחדת ומושרשות עמוק בהיסטוריה. כוחה של ההיסטוריה, התרבות והציוויליזציה ניכר במיוחד במוזיאונים ובחיי היומיום של העם. היצירות אשר נותרו מהתקופות ההיסטוריות השונות משקפות את כוחה של התרבות והציביליזציה של איראן והתקדמותה. ניתן לומר שהתרבות האיראנית מפותחת עד מאוד, ולאור נוכחותם של שבטים שונים במדינה, כגון הכורדים, הלורים, הערבים, הבלוצ’ים, הטורקמנים והארמנים, נוצרה קשת יפה של תרבות ואמנות ומנהגים רבים באיראן. קשת מרהיבה אשר נשענת על גדולתו של המלך כורש  ומלכות מפוארת בת 2500 שנה של המלכים האיראניים, אשר ברבות הימים נפלה לידי חשוכי המהפכה האיסלאמית והפכה למעוז של האייטולות.

אני בן למשפחה יהודית של הורים אשר רדפו השכלה ואומנות; אבי הוא צייר נודע המצייר בסגנון ריאליסט, לימד באוניברסיטת טהראן וקישטו תמונותיו הרבות, את הארמון “סעד אבאד” בטהרן, מרכז חייו של השאה הפרסי.

אחר המהפכה, לאור דעותיו הציוניות וכן בשל מספר תמונות נועזות פרי מכחולו, נאלץ לשבת אבי בכלא האיראני למשך תקופה של מעל שנה. כשהשתחרר מהכלא האיראני, קיבל אבי החלטה חד משמעית לעזוב בחטף את איראן ולעלות ארצה (כמובן לאור השקפותיו, היעד היחיד מבחינתו היה ארץ ישראל), ולהותיר אחריו בידי המשטר את כל רכושו (זאת על מנת לא לעורר חשד שמא הוא לא ישוב אל המדינה).

אנוכי, אימי ואחי הצעיר עלינו בדרך לגאלית אל טורקיה ומשם לארץ אך אבי נאלץ לברוח דרך השדות אל פקיסטאן ומשם לשוויץ ובסופו של דבר אל ארץ ישראל.

שבועיים לאחר שעליתי ארצה התחלתי ללמוד בבית ספר התיכון וסיימתי את לימודי בגיל צעיר מוקדם מהמצופה, התגייסתי לחיל המודיעין (8200), למדתי משפטים, עבדתי במספר משרדי עורכי דין מובילים ובהמשך זכיתי לשרת את המדינה בפרויקט ביטחוני מסווג מאוד.

החל מהצעדים הראשונים שלי במקצוע (אף בהיותי מתמחה במשרד עו”ד וייסגלס-אלמגור ושות’) ועד עצם היום הזה, לאור ההיכרות והעניין שגיליתי עם השפה והתרבות האיראנית, פנו אלי איראנים יהודים רבים מרחבי העולם (בייחוד מארה”ב), בהקשר לסוגיות משפטיות שונות, מגוונות ולעיתים משונות הנוגעות לחייהם האישיים והציבוריים אך דבר אחד עניין את כולם – הלא הוא הנפקות המשפטית של הסיטואציה בה נאלצו האיראנים עם פרוץ המהפכה לעזוב את המדינה ולהותיר אחריהם רכוש רב.

סוגיה זו עלתה בפני בד בבד גם בעת הטיפול בתיק הפנסיה הגרמנית (ישראל פרי) במשרד עו”ד עמית, פולק מטלון ושות’ על אף שעניין השבת הנכסים לאיראנים דומה ושונה בהרבה מסוגיית השבת נכסי ניצולי השואה (אשר עלתה בדרך אגב תוך טיפול בתיק זה).

לאור האמור לעיל ראיתי צורך לחקור את הנושא ולהתייחס אליו ואף ליישם ולאבחן סוגיית הרכוש הרב שנשאר בארצות הערב ובאירופה ע”י היהודים אל מול הנכסים של האיראנים שנמלטו מאיראן לאחר המהפכה האיסלאמית.

הבסיס ההלכתי והחוקי להשתלטות על הנכסים של האיראנים

כשבועיים ימים לאחר ניצחון המהפכה האיסלאמית ב- 9 לחודש אספנד 1357 האיראני המקביל ל- 28 לחודש פברואר 79, הוציא המנהיג העליון דאז, רוחאללה ח’מיני פקודה בהקשר להחרמת כלל הרכוש של אנשי המלוכה, פקודה בה התייחס המנהיג להחרמת כלל הרכוש המשתייך אל המלוכנים ומקורביהם בלבד (ולא לרכוש המשתייך לאזרחים האיראניים).

להלן מובא נוסח הפקודה מאת ח’מיני:

“فرمان مصادره

«شورای انقلاب اسلامی به موجب این مکتوب مأموریت دارد که تمام اموال منقول و غیرمنقول سلسله پهلوی و شاخه‌ها و عمال و مربوطین به این سلسله را که در طول مدت سلطه غیرقانونی از بیت‌المال مسلمین اختلاس نموده‌اند، به نفع مستمندان و کارگران و کارمندان ضعیف مصادره نمایند و منقولات آن در بانک‌ها با شماره‌ای به اسم شورای انقلاب یا اسم اینجانب سپرده شود و غیرمنقول – از قبیل مستغلات و اراضی – ثبت و مضبوط شود تا به نفع مستمندان از هر طبقه صرف گردد در ایجاد مسکن و کار و ‎غیر ذلک. به جمیع کمیته‌های انقلاب اسلامی در سراسر کشور دستور می‌دهم که آنچه از این غنایم به دست آورده‌اند در بانک با شماره معلوم بسپرند. و به دولت ابلاغ نمایید که این غنایم، مربوط به دولت نیست و امرش با شورای انقلاب است، و آنچه مأموران دولت به دست آورده‌اند یا می‌آورند، باید به همین شماره به بانک تحویل دهند. و کسانی که از این اموال چیزی به دست آورده‌اند، باید فورا به کمیته‌ها یا بانک تحویل دهند و متخلفین مورد مؤاخذه خواهند بود. ‏‏‏روح‌الله الموسوی‌الخمینی”».

“על בסיס מכתב זה, על המועצה העליונה להחרים לטובת הנדכאים, החלשים, אנשי הכפיים, והעובדים החלשים את כלל הרכוש וכן נכסי דלא ניידי השייכים לשושלת הפהלוי על ענפיה, נספחיה וקרוביה אשר בתקופת השלטון הלא חוקי שלה הופקעו מתוך אוצר המוסלמים, ולהפקיד את המזומנים, בחשבון הבנק על שם של המועצה המהפכנית או על שמי ואת הנכסים כמו האדמות והנדל”ן – לרשום ולהפקיד אותם על מנת שניתן יהיה להשתמש בהם לטובת הנדכאים והחלשים מכל השכבות וזאת לשם יצירת מגורים, מקום עבודה וכו’. הנני מורה ל-“כמיתה” של המהפכה, כי את כלל השלל אשר הושג, להפקיד בחשבון המיועד בבנק ולהודיע לממשלה כי כלל השלל הזה אינו משתייך אליו וכי על המועצה העליונה ליתן הוראה בהקשר לכך, וכן את הדברים שנציגי הממשלה ישיגו או שיביאו, יש למסור אותם לבנק זה, ועל האנשים להעביר הדברים שהשיגו מתוך הרכוש הנ”ל, באופן מידי לכמיתה והעבריינים יובאו לדין.” רוחאללה מוסוי ח’מיני

בעקבות הוצאת הפקודה הנ”ל ע”י ח’מיני, הוחרם כלל הרכוש של משפחת המלוכה וקרוביהם, נתלו בעליהם שלא הצליחו לעזוב את איראן, והועבר כלל רכושם אל ה”נדכאים” – (הגדרה רחבה אשר טמנה בחובה את  הקרובים אל הצלחת הרפובליקה האיסלאמית לרבות בניהם, נכדיהם, הנינים ובני ניניהם לרבות אנשי המשה”מ, הבסיג’, הכומיתה).

כאמור, על אף ההצהרה הברורה של ח’מיני בדבר ההשתלטות על נכסי משפחת המלוכה בלבד, בחרו כוחות המשה”מ והבסיג’ להקדים במספר עשורים את מה שנלמד בהלכת אפרופים הישראלית ולהעניק הפרשנות התכליתית (ולא המילולית) הרחבה ביותר למונח “משפחת המלוכה” ולהכליל בה את כלל האנשים שנמלטו מאיראן לאחר המהפכה.

על פי הגדרה רחבה זו, נמצאה הדרך החוקית להשתלט על כלל הרכוש המשתייך לנמלטים (אשר בדוחק רב הוכנסו לתוך הגדרת משפחת המלוכה והוכתרו בין יום כבני מלכים) לרבות אדמות, חנויות, מפעלים וכו’, זאת תוך מתן דגש לרכוש של היהודים אשר קינן בליבם ובמוחם לצאת בין לילה את איראן דרך עיר הגבול זאהדאן, אל תחנת הביניים – תורכיה או פקיסטאן – ומשם אל היעד הסופי הלא הוא ארץ ישראל (ולעיתים ככל הנראה תעו בדרך והגיעו על פי כורח הנסיבות לארה”ב).

הבסיס ההלכתי לפקודה שהוצאה ע”י המנהיג העליון היה ה”פקה” – ההלכה האסלאמית, אשר בהסתמך עליה נעשו שינויי מרחיקי לכת בחוק העונשין האיראני וזאת באמצעות הוספת סעיפים חדשים כמו סעיף ה- “محاربه با خدا” – “לוחמה באל” – המגדיר את כלל האנשים שגרמו לנזק כלכלי לעם האיראני בתור ” مفسد فی الارض “- corrupt on earth – “המושחתים על פני האדמה” אשר לפיו מצווה להשחית את רכושו של כל מי שנכלל בהגדרה זו, ולהעביר אותו אל הנדכאים (מונח שסתום אשר כאמור כולל בתוכו את הקרובים לצלחת).

הבסיס החוקתי לפקודת המנהיג העליון, היה סעיף 49 לחוקת הרפובליקה האיסלאמית, אשר לפיה בסמכות הממשלה לאתר את הנכסים שבעליהם אינם ידועים ומזוהים ולהעביר אותם לממשלה. על בסיס סעיף זה, הממשלה מחויבת להוציא את העושר שהצטבר בידי העושקים כתוצאה מגזילה, מעילה, גניבה, הימורים, ניצול לרעה של ההקדשים, שימוש לרעה בעסקאות ממשלתיות, מכירת קרקעות ורכוש הקרן, הקמת מקומות שחיתות ומעשים בלתי חוקיים אחרים ולהעביר אותו אל בעליו החוקיים ובאם האחרון אינו ידוע ולא  מזוהה יעניק אותו לאוצר המדינה.

לאור האמור, סעיף 49 לחוקה, היווה העוגן החוקתי להוצאת אלפי צווים על ידי בית דין המהפכני והעומד בראשו דאז צאדק ח’לח’אלי, אשר היה לאחר המהפכה האחראי הבלעדי להוצאה להורג של רבבות איראנים שהתאכזר אליהם הגורל ושלא הצליחו להימלט את איראן.

בפועל על פי מצוות ח’לח’אלי, ההשתלטות על הרכוש של הנמלטים בוצעה על ידי הזרוע המבצעת של המשטר, אשר בתחילה הורכבה מקומץ אנשים בעלי אידאולוגיה קיצונית ביותר וברבות הימים היו אלה ממקימי ארגון הכומיתה, המשה”מ והבסיג’, מנגנונים אשר לא בחלו בכל אמצעי על מנת לנשל את האיראנים האמידים והמשכילים מרכושם.

המגמות הנוכחיות במשטר האיראני בהקשר לרכוש הנעזב

כאמור, בשנים הראשונות של המהפכה האיסלאמית בלט הפרצוף הזעוף של ח’מיני, וכן המדיניות הנוקשה של המהפכה האיסלאמית אשר התאפיינה בייצוא המהפכה אל העולם, כיבוש העולם באמצעות האידאולוגיה האיסלאמית, וניתוק ובדלנותה של איראן מכלל המדינות בעולם. אך בניגוד לשנים הראשונות, בשנים האחרונות, וזאת ככל הנראה לאור קשיי ההישרדות של משטר האייטולות,  הוחלפה בין לילה ובמחי יד ההתנהלות הנוקשה והבדלנית הזאת של איראן של השנים הראשונות לאחר המהפכה, במדיניות הפייסנית של הממשל החדש של רוחאני, אשר בולטות בה הפנים המחויכות ביותר של הנשיא רוחאני ושר החוץ ט’ריף.

בעקבות המהומות האחרונות אשר התחוללו באיראן, המשטר האיראני עושה כעת כל שלאל ידו על מנת להבליט את הפנים הפשרניות והפייסניות שלו, ואחד מתוצרי הלוואי של מדיניות זו הלא הן לאחרונה, הצהרותיו של עסגר- אולאדי, חבר לשכת המסחר והתעשיות והמחצבים האיראני לפיהם ניתן יהיה כעת להשיב את הרכוש שהוחרם בעשור הראשון שלאחר המהפכה האיסלאמית.

לאחר כ- 40 שנות של הפקעות והחרמה ללא רחמים, והוצאות להורג של אנשים חפים מפשע, מציין כעת עסגר אולאדי כי במקרה וחלק מההפקעות ו/או ההשתלטויות על הרכוש ע”י ח’לחאלי היו בניגוד למצוות הדת, יש להטיל בכך ספק  ואם בעלי הרכוש הנ”ל יגיעו למדינה ויתלוננו על כך, הדבר ייבדק בהתאם.

הוא אף מוסיף: “התיקים בנושא החרמת הרכוש וההשתלטות נסגרו אך אם יהיה מי שידרוש את בדיקת הנושא מחדש, וכי נושא זה יגיע לבית המשפט, ניתן יהיה להשיב את הנכסים הנ”ל לבעליהם.  היו אף מקרים שהגיעו אנשים לאיראן והצליחו לקבל בחזרה את הרכוש שלהם וכעת אין יותר פעולות ההשתלטות.”

השאלות העיקריות בנושא

לאחר בדיקה מקיפה סביב נושא זה, בחרתי להביא להלן את השאלות העיקריות אשר הועלו על ידי האיראנים שפנו אלי, ואנסה להשיב להן בצורה המדויקת ביותר (וזאת כמובן בהעדר היחסים הדיפלומטיים בין איראן לישראל).

1.           האם ניתן לקבל בחזרה את אותן האדמות שהוחרמו באיראן לאחר המהפכה האיסלאמית

התשובה שלילית. במקרה הטוב ניתן יהיה לקבל פיצוי כספי או אדמה שוות ערך עד ל- 60 אחוזים מערך האדמה שהופקעה.

2.            האם הפיצוי בעין מוענק באותה עיר בה הופקעה האדמה?

התשובה שלילית. מרבית האדמות מוענקות בתור פיצוי בערים כרג’, שהריאר ווראמין אך לא בעיר טהראן וזאת בשל צפיפות האוכלוסין.

3.           האם הגשת תביעה, זו הדרך הנכונה ביותר על מנת לקבל בחזרה את האדמות שהופקעו?

התשובה שלילית. על פי המדיניות החדשה, כל מי שהוחרם רכושו ובידיו ראיות המעידות על כך, יפנה למשרד השיכון האיראני, ובאפשרותו למלא טופס על פי סעיף 12 לחוק בינוי הערים, בו יצהיר כי האדמות שלו הוחרמו בניגוד לחוק על אף שהוא נמצא בן חיים. ניתן יהיה להכין תצהיר ולהציג באמצעותו את הראיות המעידות על כך ולקבל פיצוי הולם עד סכום השווה ערך ל- 70 אחוזים מהערך הנוכחי של האדמה שהוחרמה. כמובן הדברים יכולים להיות מוצגים באמצעות מיופה כוח ללא נוכחותו הפיזית של בעל הנכס. בהקשר לכך יצוין כי שיקול הדעת השיפוטי באיראן גובר על כלל הראיות המוצגות בתיק והשופט יכול להחליט בנושא תוך התעלמות מוחלטת מכללי הריאות בבית המשפט האיראני.

4.           מה באשר לאדמות החקלאיות – האם ניתן יהיה להשיב אדמות אלה אשר הופקעו בעת המהפכה?

אם מדובר באדמות אשר הייעוד שלהן בעבר הייתה חקלאית, אך כעת בשל תנאי האקלים ייעודם שונה ושהם אינם יותר חקלאיים ונמצאות ברשות המדינה, ניתן יהיה לקבלן בחזרה תמורת תשלום של 30 אחוזים מערך האדמה עבור דמי האחזקה שלהן.

5.           מה הם המסמכים אשר יש להציג כדי לקבל בחזרה את הרכוש שהוחרם?

הדברים החשובים ביותר הם הדרכון והכרטיס הלאומי. לאלה שיש דרכון מתקופת השאה (לפני המהפכה) יכולים לקבל כרטיס לאומי ולנקוט בצעדים על פי המסמכים הנ”ל. בהקשר לכך יש להימנע מלהיעזר ולמסור ייפוי כוח לגורמים מסוימים המציגים את עצמם כמתווכים אשר יכולים לסייע בעניין שכן בשנים האחרונות נגזלו בדרך זו נכסים רבים.

 

 

 

6.           האם בהקשר להשבת הנכסים, קיימת אפליה קיצונית כלפי בני המיעוט האיראניים?

בתחילת המהפכה בלטה מאוד הפליית בני המיעוט האיראניים, אך בשנים האחרונות נעשים מאמצים ע”י המשטר להבליט דווקא את מגמת האפלייה מתקנת, ולבוא לקראת בני המיעוטים באיראן.

מילות סיום

בהעדר יחסים דיפלומטיים עם איראן, הדרך הטובה ביותר לטפל בסוגיית הרכוש של הנמלטים תוארה בפרקים הקודמים. יחד עם זאת, לדעתי כינון היחסים הדיפלומטיים עם איראן אינו חזון לאחרית הימים. בל נשכח כי האביב הערבי התחיל באיראן ע”י התנועה הירוקה, וכי בימים אלה ממש מתרחשות מהומות המקיפות את כלל המגזרים באיראן (פועלים, מורים, רופאים, מרצים וכו’).

בהקשר לכך, יתכן כי הנני מקדים את המאוחר, אך תקוותי היא שבאם בעתיד יחודשו היחסים הדיפלומטיים בין איראן לישראל, הטיפול בנושא השבת הרכוש של האיראנים לא ישמש כמנוף נגדי במטרה לקזז חובות על חשבון היהודים שעזבו  את איראן ובהמשך לכך כולי תפילה כי בהיקש מתוך הטיפול שנעשה בנושא הרכוש של יהדות ערב, הדבר לא יהווה קלף מיקוח.

 

 

 

 

About The Author

 

Oded Vosok is a leading attorney, with vast experience in litigations, class action, white collar, environmental law and handling Iranian Jews assets and legal issues.

עו”ד עודד ווסוק בוא עורך דין מוביל, עתיר נסיון בליטיגציה, תובענות ייצוגיות, צווארון לבן, איכות הסביבה ובטיפול בנכסי ובתיקי יהודי אירן.

About The Editor

Gabriel Hayon is the Chairman of the Diplomatic Institute, expert in Israel – Latin America Relations, business development and competitive intelligence. Gabriel is an international speaker and mentor.

גבריאל חיון, הוא יו”ר המכון הדיפלומטי, מומחה ליחסי ישראל – אמריקה הלטינית, פיתוח עסקי ומודיעין תחרותי. גבריאל הוא מנטור ומרצה בינלאומי מבוקש.

 

 

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